Annotated Bibliography
Hartnagel,
T. F. (2002). Gun control in alberta: Explaining public attitudes concerning
legislative change. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 44(4), 403-423.
Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/216092938?accountid=45761
Gun
control
was the subject of increased public attention and debate in Canada in the 1990s
as more restrictive legislation was passed by Parliament. Although there was a
good deal of public support for these increased restrictions, there was also
vocal opposition in some segments of the population. However there has been
little multivariate research directed at explaining variation in attitudes
toward gun
control
in Canada. The present research uses data from a telephone survey
of adult residents of the Province of Alberta to test hypotheses concerning
instrumental and ideological explanations of support for universal registration
of firearms. These hypotheses are tested with controls
for characteristics of the respondents. The results are mainly supportive of the
instrumental (liberal) perspective: respondents who believe gun
control
is effective at crime control
are more likely to support universal registration, although there is some
evidence that internal (conservative) attributi
Dowler, K. (2002). Media influence on attitudes toward guns and gun
control.
American Journal of Criminal Justice :
AJCJ, 26(2),
235-247. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/203522314?accountid=45761
ons
of the causes of crime results in less support for universal
registration.
Gun
control
is an ideological issue that is hotly debated. While a number of studies examine
firearms ownership and gun
control
attitudes, there are no investigations into the influence of the media in these
matters. This oversight is surprising given that the media molds public
attitudes toward crime and justice (Surette, 1998). As a result, the purpose of
this paper is to examine whether media consumption affects attitudes toward
gun
control.Firearms
ownership is widespread in the United States. Approximately 38% of all American
households contain a gun
and 23% have a handgun (Smith, 1999). Many citizens view gun
ownership as a fundamental right.
Persky,
A. S. (2010). An unsteady finger on gun control laws. ABA Journal,
96(12), 14-16. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/817291259?accountid=45761
critics
of the decisions say the cases have failed to provide a concrete framework to
help lower courts determine the constitutionality of challenged gun
control
laws. Yet Scalia wrote that the Second Amendment is not unlimited: "Nothing in
our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on the long-standing prohibitions on
the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding
the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools
and government buildings, or laws conditions and Gau, Jacinta M. "A
Neighborhood-Level Analysis of Concealed Hand-Gun
Permits.
"
Policing 31.4 (2008): 674-93. ProQuest. Web. 20 Apr. 2013.
qualifications on the commercial sale of arms." Carrying a
concealed hand-gun on one's person while in public can be seen as a form of
private security ([6] Benson and Mast, 2001). Private security, at both the
individual and industry levels, has expanded dramatically in the USA and other
nations and this expansion has been explained, in part, as a reaction to
citizens' distrust in the ability of police to effectively control crime ([41]
Livingstone and Hart, 2003). There is some existing support for the relationship
between a weakened sense of trust in the police and the desire of the populace
to seek self-protection in guns. [50] McDowall and Loftin's (1983) analyses
revealed that neighborhoods more saturated with self-reported gun ownership also
had lower levels of trust in the police. Smith and Uchida (1988),
conceptualizing defensive gun ownership as "self-help", found at the individual
level that less trust in . (2009). Mass shootings in schools. the worst possible
case for gun control. ce was associated with an increased likelihood that a
person owned a gun for self-protection.
Kleck,
G. (2009). Mass shootings in schools. the worst possible case for gun
control. American Behavioral Scientist, 52(10), 1447-1464.
doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209332557
The
most frequent policy lesson drawn following the Columbine school shootings was
the need for more gun
controls.
Review of the details of both Columbine and other contemporary school shootings
indicates, however, that the specific gun
control
measures proposed in their aftermath were largely irrelevant and almost
certainly could not have prevented the incidents or reduced their death tolls.
These measures included restrictions on gun
shows, child access prevention laws mandating locking up guns,
and bans on assault weapons. Ironically, exploitation of school shootings for
the advocacy of irrelevant gun
controls
may have obscured the genuine merits of various gun
control
measures for reducing 'ordinary' gun
violence. Thus, mass school shootings provided the worst possible basis for
supporting gun
control.
Hartnagel,
T. F. (2002). Gun control in alberta: Explaining public attitudes concerning
legislative change. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 44(4), 403-423.
Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/216092938?accountid=45761
Gun
control
was the subject of increased public attention and debate in Canada in the 1990s
as more restrictive legislation was passed by Parliament. Although there was a
good deal of public support for these increased restrictions, there was also
vocal opposition in some segments of the population. However there has been
little multivariate research directed at explaining variation in attitudes
toward gun
control
in Canada. The present research uses data from a telephone survey
of adult residents of the Province of Alberta to test hypotheses concerning
instrumental and ideological explanations of support for universal registration
of firearms. These hypotheses are tested with controls
for characteristics of the respondents. The results are mainly supportive of the
instrumental (liberal) perspective: respondents who believe gun
control
is effective at crime control
are more likely to support universal registration, although there is some
evidence that internal (conservative) attributi
Dowler, K. (2002). Media influence on attitudes toward guns and gun
control.
Hemenway, D.,& Azrael, D. (2010).
The relative frequency of offensive and defensive gun uses: Results from a
national survey. Violence and Victims, 15(3), 257-72. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/208556200?accountid=45761
Some
controversy exists about the relative frequency of criminal and self-defense
gun
use in the United States. Using data from a national random-digit-dial telephone
survey of over 1900 adults conducted in 1996, we find that criminal gun
use is far more common than self-defense gun
use. This result is consistent with findings from other private surveys and the
National Crime Victimization Surveys. In this survey, all reported cases of
criminal gun
use and many cases of self-defense gun
use appear to be socially undesirable. There are many instances of gun
use, often for intimidation, that are not reported to the police and may not
appear in official crime statistics.
Wakin,
E. T. (2009). From flintlock to 'tramps' terror': Guns and gun control in
nineteenth-century new york city. Columbia University). ProQuest
Dissertations and Theses, , 243-n/a. Retri Chapter One examines the changes
in production that led to the mass-produced handgun as a commodity. Chapter Two
looks at marketing guns
in the metropolis. Chapter Three presents several examples of gun
use by rioters and the police. Chapter Four describes how guns
became "concealed weapons".
T. F. (2002). Gun control in alberta: Explaining public attitudes concerning
legislative change. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 44(4), 403-423.
Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/216092938?accountid=45761
Gun
control
was the subject of increased public attention and debate in Canada in the 1990s
as more restrictive legislation was passed by Parliament. Although there was a
good deal of public support for these increased restrictions, there was also
vocal opposition in some segments of the population. However there has been
little multivariate research directed at explaining variation in attitudes
toward gun
control
in Canada. The present research uses data from a telephone survey
of adult residents of the Province of Alberta to test hypotheses concerning
instrumental and ideological explanations of support for universal registration
of firearms. These hypotheses are tested with controls
for characteristics of the respondents. The results are mainly supportive of the
instrumental (liberal) perspective: respondents who believe gun
control
is effective at crime control
are more likely to support universal registration, although there is some
evidence that internal (conservative) attributi
Dowler, K. (2002). Media influence on attitudes toward guns and gun
control.
American Journal of Criminal Justice :
AJCJ, 26(2),
235-247. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/203522314?accountid=45761
ons
of the causes of crime results in less support for universal
registration.
Gun
control
is an ideological issue that is hotly debated. While a number of studies examine
firearms ownership and gun
control
attitudes, there are no investigations into the influence of the media in these
matters. This oversight is surprising given that the media molds public
attitudes toward crime and justice (Surette, 1998). As a result, the purpose of
this paper is to examine whether media consumption affects attitudes toward
gun
control.Firearms
ownership is widespread in the United States. Approximately 38% of all American
households contain a gun
and 23% have a handgun (Smith, 1999). Many citizens view gun
ownership as a fundamental right.
Persky,
A. S. (2010). An unsteady finger on gun control laws. ABA Journal,
96(12), 14-16. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/817291259?accountid=45761
critics
of the decisions say the cases have failed to provide a concrete framework to
help lower courts determine the constitutionality of challenged gun
control
laws. Yet Scalia wrote that the Second Amendment is not unlimited: "Nothing in
our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on the long-standing prohibitions on
the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding
the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools
and government buildings, or laws conditions and Gau, Jacinta M. "A
Neighborhood-Level Analysis of Concealed Hand-Gun
Permits.
"
Policing 31.4 (2008): 674-93. ProQuest. Web. 20 Apr. 2013.
qualifications on the commercial sale of arms." Carrying a
concealed hand-gun on one's person while in public can be seen as a form of
private security ([6] Benson and Mast, 2001). Private security, at both the
individual and industry levels, has expanded dramatically in the USA and other
nations and this expansion has been explained, in part, as a reaction to
citizens' distrust in the ability of police to effectively control crime ([41]
Livingstone and Hart, 2003). There is some existing support for the relationship
between a weakened sense of trust in the police and the desire of the populace
to seek self-protection in guns. [50] McDowall and Loftin's (1983) analyses
revealed that neighborhoods more saturated with self-reported gun ownership also
had lower levels of trust in the police. Smith and Uchida (1988),
conceptualizing defensive gun ownership as "self-help", found at the individual
level that less trust in . (2009). Mass shootings in schools. the worst possible
case for gun control. ce was associated with an increased likelihood that a
person owned a gun for self-protection.
Kleck,
G. (2009). Mass shootings in schools. the worst possible case for gun
control. American Behavioral Scientist, 52(10), 1447-1464.
doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209332557
The
most frequent policy lesson drawn following the Columbine school shootings was
the need for more gun
controls.
Review of the details of both Columbine and other contemporary school shootings
indicates, however, that the specific gun
control
measures proposed in their aftermath were largely irrelevant and almost
certainly could not have prevented the incidents or reduced their death tolls.
These measures included restrictions on gun
shows, child access prevention laws mandating locking up guns,
and bans on assault weapons. Ironically, exploitation of school shootings for
the advocacy of irrelevant gun
controls
may have obscured the genuine merits of various gun
control
measures for reducing 'ordinary' gun
violence. Thus, mass school shootings provided the worst possible basis for
supporting gun
control.
Hartnagel,
T. F. (2002). Gun control in alberta: Explaining public attitudes concerning
legislative change. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 44(4), 403-423.
Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/216092938?accountid=45761
Gun
control
was the subject of increased public attention and debate in Canada in the 1990s
as more restrictive legislation was passed by Parliament. Although there was a
good deal of public support for these increased restrictions, there was also
vocal opposition in some segments of the population. However there has been
little multivariate research directed at explaining variation in attitudes
toward gun
control
in Canada. The present research uses data from a telephone survey
of adult residents of the Province of Alberta to test hypotheses concerning
instrumental and ideological explanations of support for universal registration
of firearms. These hypotheses are tested with controls
for characteristics of the respondents. The results are mainly supportive of the
instrumental (liberal) perspective: respondents who believe gun
control
is effective at crime control
are more likely to support universal registration, although there is some
evidence that internal (conservative) attributi
Dowler, K. (2002). Media influence on attitudes toward guns and gun
control.
Hemenway, D.,& Azrael, D. (2010).
The relative frequency of offensive and defensive gun uses: Results from a
national survey. Violence and Victims, 15(3), 257-72. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/208556200?accountid=45761
Some
controversy exists about the relative frequency of criminal and self-defense
gun
use in the United States. Using data from a national random-digit-dial telephone
survey of over 1900 adults conducted in 1996, we find that criminal gun
use is far more common than self-defense gun
use. This result is consistent with findings from other private surveys and the
National Crime Victimization Surveys. In this survey, all reported cases of
criminal gun
use and many cases of self-defense gun
use appear to be socially undesirable. There are many instances of gun
use, often for intimidation, that are not reported to the police and may not
appear in official crime statistics.
Wakin,
E. T. (2009). From flintlock to 'tramps' terror': Guns and gun control in
nineteenth-century new york city. Columbia University). ProQuest
Dissertations and Theses, , 243-n/a. Retri Chapter One examines the changes
in production that led to the mass-produced handgun as a commodity. Chapter Two
looks at marketing guns
in the metropolis. Chapter Three presents several examples of gun
use by rioters and the police. Chapter Four describes how guns
became "concealed weapons".